Health and ill-health Attitudes and Behaviour

Page 2

Protection motivation theory

Rogers (1975, 1983, 1985) developed protection motivation theory (PMT) which expanded the HBM to include additional factors.

Components of the PMT

Health-related behaviours are a product of five components:

Coping Appraisal

Threat Appraisal

According to the PMT, there are two sources of information:

  1. environmental (e.g. verbal persuasion, observational learning) and
  2. intrapersonal (e.g. prior experience).

This information elicits either an 'adaptive' coping response (i.e. the intention to improve one's health) or a 'maladaptive' coping response (e.g. avoidance, denial).

Support for the PMT

Rippetoe and Rogers (1987) gave women information about breast cancer and examined the effect of this information on the components of the PMT and their relationship to the women's intentions to practise breast self-examination (BSE). The results showed that the best predictors of intentions to practise BSE were response effectiveness (believing that BSE would detect the early signs of cancer), severity (believing that Breast cancer is dangerous and difficult to treat in it's advanced stages) and self-efficacy (belief in one's ability to carry out BSE effectively).

In a further study, the effects of persuasive appeals for increasing exercise on intentions to exercise were evaluated using the components of the PMT. The results showed that vulnerability (ill health would result from lack of exercise) and self-efficacy (believing in one's ability to exercise effectively) predicted exercise intentions but that none of the variables were related to self-reports of actual behaviour.

In a further study, Beck and Lund (1981) manipulated dental students' beliefs about tooth decay using persuasive communication. Their results showed that the information increased fear and that severity (tooth decay has disastrous consequences) and self-efficacy (I can do something about it) were related to behavioural intentions (flossing and brushing regularly especially after eating).

Criticisms of the PMT

The PMT has been less widely criticized than the HBM; however, many of the criticisms of the HBM also relate to the PMT. For example, the PMT assumes that individuals are rational information processors (although it does include an element of irrationality in its fear component), it does not account for habitual behaviours, such as brushing teeth, nor does it include a role for social (what others do) and environmental factors (eg opportunities to exercise or eat properly at work). Schwarzer (1992) has also criticized the PMT for not tackling how attitudes might change (a problem with the HBM as well).


Social cognition models

Social cognition theory was developed by Bandura (1977, 1986) and suggests that expectancies, incentives and social cognitions govern behaviour. Expectancies include:

The concept of incentives suggests that behaviour is governed by its consequences. For example, smoking behaviour may be reinforced by the experience of reduced anxiety, whereas a feeling of reassurance may reinforce having a cervical smear after a negative result.

Social cognitions involve normative beliefs (e.g. 'people who are important to me want me to stop smoking').

Parents have a strong influence over the health behaviours of children of the same sex with regard to Exercise, Smoking, Drinking, Eating and Sleep (Wickrama, Conger, Wallace and Elder, Journal of Health and Social Behaviour, 1999).

 


The theory of planned behaviour

The TPB emphasizes behavioural intentions as the outcome of a combination of several beliefs.

Intentions - 'plans of action in pursuit of behavioural goals' (Ajzen and Madden 1986) and are a result of the following beliefs:

 

  1. Attitude towards a behaviour - positive or negative -(e.g. 'exercising is fun and will improve my health').
  2. Subjective norm - social pressure and motivation (e.g. 'people who are important to me will approve if I lose weight and I want their approval').
  3. Perceived behavioural control - self-efficacy and possible barriers

Support for the TPB

Povey et al (2000) studied the intentions of people to eat five portions of fruit and vegetables per day or to follow a low-fat diet. The TPB was good at predicting intentions but not behaviour. Self-efficacy was found to be a better predictor of behaviour.

Rutter (2000) studied women and whether or not they attended two breast-screening sessions separated by three years. Intention and first-time attendance was successfully predicted by the TPB. Attendance at the first session, however, was the best predictor of whether the woman attended three years later.

Brubaker and Wickersham (1990) examined the role of the theory's different components in predicting testicular self-examination and reported that attitude towards the behaviour, subjective norm and behavioural control (measured as self-efficacy) correlated with the intention to perform the behaviour.

TPB in relation to weight loss (Schifter and Ajzen 1985). The results showed that weight loss was predicted by the components of the model; in particular, goal attainment (weight loss) was linked to perceived behavioural control.

Criticisms of the TPB

Good

Bad

Schwarzer (1992) Ajzen does not describe either the order of the different beliefs or says what causes what (causality).


The health action process approach

The health action process approach (HAPA) was developed by Schwarzer in 1992.

  1. it includes a temporal element in the understanding of beliefs and behaviour.
  2. it emphasized the importance of self efficacy
  3. distinction between a decision-making/motivational stage and an action maintenance stage.

Components of the HAPA

According to the HAPA, the motivation stage is made up of the following components:

The action stage is composed of:

A cognitive factor made up of action plans (e.g. 'if offered a cigarette when I am trying not to smoke I will imagine what the tar would do to my lungs') and action control (e.g. 'I can survive being offered a cigarette by reminding myself that I am a non-smoker').

The situational factor consists of social support (e.g. the existence of friends who encourage non-smoking) and the absence of situational barriers (e.g. financial support to join an exercise club).

Support for the HAPA

Schwarzer (1992) claimed that self-efficacy was consistently the best predictor of behavioural intentions and behaviour change for a variety of behaviours, including frequency of flossing, effective use of contraception self-examination, drug addicts' intentions to use clean needles, intentions to quit smoking, and intentions to adhere to weight loss programmes and exercise (e.g. Beck and Lund 1981; Seydal et al. 1990).

Criticisms of the HAPA


Non-Rational processes

Denial

Cigarette smokers etc

Conflict Theory (Janis 1984)


Social Action Theory (Ewart 1991)

  1. Biopsychosocial contexts (environment, Biophysical, Mood/Arousal)
  2. Self-Change Process (Social Support, Cognitive Resources, Motivation, Problem Solving)
  3. Action States (Health Routines, Social Interdependence, Outcomes)


 

Lay theories about health

Communication between health professional and patient would be redundant if the patient held beliefs about their health that were in conflict with those held by the professional.

Helman (1978), in his paper 'Feed a cold starve a fever', explored how individuals make sense of the common cold and other associated problems and reported that such illnesses were analysed in terms of the dimensions hot-cold, wet-dry with respect to their aetiology (cause) and possible treatment.

In a further study, Pill and Stott (1982) reported that working-class mothers were more likely to see illness as uncontrollable.

In a recent study, Graham (1987) reported that although women who smoke are aware of all the health risks of smoking, they report that smoking is necessary to their well-being and an essential means for coping with stress.


Assumptions in Health psychology

  1. Humans are rational in their information processing. It is the role of perceived factors (e.g. risk, rewards, costs, etc) rather than actual risks.
  2. Different cognitions are separate from and perform independently from each other. Could be because the researchers ask questions relating to each 'type' of cognition.
  3. The types of cognition may not really exist nor play a part in the patient's thinking about their health; they could just be an artefact of the way the research was carried out.
  4. Cognitions are not placed within a context. For example, actual social pressure and environment are not taken into account, only the individual's interpretation of social pressure and environmental influences.


Links

Franks, P. Campbell, T.L. Shields, C.G. (1992)

Social relationships and health: the relative roles of family functioning and social support



 

Assessment of the outcomes of health intervention

Rosmarie Erben, Peter Franzkowiak & Eberhard Wenzel
Manila, Wiesbaden, Cologne

Paper presented to the Twelfth International Conference on the Social Sciences and Medicine, Peebles, Scotland, 14-18 September, 1992

Good presentation of the biomedical, psychological and sociological approaches.


Behavior Change Models For Reducing HIV/STD Risk

Good review of models.


Can Theory Help In HIV Prevention?

Good review of models and application to HIV prevention.



 


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